Monsoon construction: Budget down the drain.(HImalayan Timesm 23 July 2018)

In developing country like Nepal, extra focus on development is a must to enhance the economy. However, low allocation of development budget and low spending are some of the problems that the country has been continuously facing. Governments in Nepal utterly fail to spend the development budget. This government, however, spent nearly four-fifth of the development budget allocated for the fiscal year 2017-2018. Is it a good sign? Not really, as there were indications of some sinister trends when it came to budget spending and such mishandling of money can have serious consequences. .

Development budget is crucial for a developing country like Nepal. Traditionally, our budgetary mechanism allocates low development budget (capital expenditure) compared to recurrent expenditure. In the fiscal year 2016-17, the development budget allocation was about 26 per cent of the total budget and when compared to the gross domestic product, it was as low as 5.5 per cent. Low development budget is one major cause for low private investment needed for prosperity. Low capital expenditure leads to low capital formation. .

The World Bank has reckoned that by 2020, Nepal needs to invest at least $13 to $18 billion in infrastructure to graduate to the status of developing country by 2022 and to middle income country by 2030. We need capital expenditure of at least 8-11 per cent of GDP on infrastructure development to achieve these targets. .

Investment in infrastructure development is essential for private investment. Unfortunately, we have the lowest infrastructure expenditure in the SAARC region. We spend around 3 per cent of GDP on infrastructure while India and China spend 4.5 per cent and 8.5 per cent respectively. .

A study of Central Bureau of Statistics shows that each rupee of investment in gross fixed capital formation brings private investment worth Rs 4.40. .

The government in association with the private sector had organised Nepal Investment Summit in March 2017. The FDI pledges made during the summit were quite encouraging. But according to the Department of Industry records, the commitments are yet to materialise. Lack of conducive environment for investment is one of the major reasons why FDI pledges fail to materialise. The government also needs to change the mindset regarding increasing development budget ceilings. In the meantime, we also need budget for research and development (R&D). Most of the developing countries of South Asia allocate ample of resources for R&D. Without R&D, our development will not be sustainable. .

On the one hand, it is the low development budget that is hindering our development pace and on the other, misuse of this budget is posing serious challenges. We have developed an atrocious infrastructure development pattern of “monsoon construction”. .

As fiscal year draws to a close in Nepal, monsoon season picks up pace. To “finish” the allocated budget, government agencies hence start construction works when monsoon is at its peak. Everyone knows the quality of work during “monsoon construction”. Most of the blacktopped roads do not even last for a few months. Same is the case with bridges and culverts that are “constructed” during monsoon. In Hetauda, a road blacktopped at the height of rainy season gave in within a day. This scenario is ubiquitous all across the country. .

Our system of awarding the contract to those quoting the lowest price is faulty. It is said that the contractors quote a price which is even lower than the value of raw materials. They do so to bag the contract. After winning the bid, they delay the work on various pretexts. .

Then construction starts at the last moment – during the monsoon season – to escape inspection from government agencies. As there is heavy workload at the end of the fiscal year, government's monitoring officers also get excuses not to inspect the works properly. Not surprisingly, all this is part of the vicious set-up between government officers and the contractors. It is said that in such development works, contractors have to offer up to 60 per cent of the amount to government officers who monitor the work and have the sanctioning authority. Such misuse of our precious development budget has become a norm. .

It is alarming that this “monsoon construction” trend is increasing every year, with the highest tendency shown this year. At the end of the fiscal year 2017-18, government has published its spending data. In the first six months of this fiscal year, only about 14 per cent of the development budget was spent. Coming to the ninth month, it was about 35 per cent and at the end of the 12th month it surprisingly crossed 80 per cent. Interestingly, 32 per cent of the total development budget was spent in the last one month of the fiscal year. .

Data shows the wrong pattern of our development works. And this happening at a time when we have a stable government with two-thirds majority, which has pledged prosperity, does not bode well. Can the government act tough on such budget mishandling? Can it control corruption within the bureaucracy? Can it introduce some policy reforms to change public tendering policy to stop irregularities? .

भत्किएको अर्थतन्त्रको चेपोमा सरकार,प्राडा बिकाशराज सत्याल (कारोबार, फाल्गुन २१, २०७४)

भनाइ छ ‘भत्किएको घरको बिग्रिएको चाला, जसले सक्ला उसले खाला’ । यो अहिलेको देशको आर्थिक स्थितिसँग मेल खान्छ । देश आर्थिक रूपमा ज्यादै रुग्ण छ । चरम भ्रष्टाचार, नैतिकतामा खडेरी, विकासका काममा कर्मचारी तन्त्रमा व्याप्त घोर नैराश्य र व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थका टकरावले गाँजिएको – दुरूह स्थिति छ । यी निराशाका बीच, पार्टीका घोषणापत्र हवाईमहल हो भन्ने बुझे पनि केही राम्रो हुने आशामा जनताले – करबल, बाध्यता या विश्वासले, वाम गठबन्धनलाई अत्यधिक मत दिएर सरकार चलाउने कानुनी अधिकार दिएका छन् । 
आफ्नै सरकार बनेको बेला जनताले अनुभव गर्ने गरी केही राम्रा काम गरेर आफ्नो व्यक्तिगत साख र पार्टीगत क्षमता देखाउन वर्तमान सरकार र यसका सहयोगी घटकहरूमा दबाव परेको देखिन्छ । अझ देश चलाउने मूल तत्व आर्थिक क्षमतामा सुदृढता नै भएकाले व्यक्तिगत रूपमा हालका अर्थमन्त्रीमा यो अपेक्षा या दबाव बढी परेको देखिनु स्वाभाविक नै हो । 
वर्तमान सरकारको पहिलो चुनौती संघीयताको कार्यान्वयन नै हो । ठूलै उपलब्धिको रूपमा भित्र्याइएको संघीयता अहिले ‘टोक्नु न बोक्नु’ हुँदै छ । आन्तरिक छलफल र स्थानीय सरकारका आवश्यक अधिकारका खाका या नियमकानुनका मस्यौदाबिना नै हतारमा ल्याइएको संघीयताले न त केन्द्रीय सरकारलाई निश्चिन्त बनाएको छ न स्थानीय सरकारलाई जनताका चाहना पूरा गर्ने क्षमता नै दिएको छ । केन्द्रमा मन्त्रालय र मन्त्री संख्या घटाएर के गर्नु, केन्द्र र प्रान्तमा गरेर मन्त्री झन्डै एक सय र सांसद संख्या ९ सय पुग्ने आकलन गरिएको छ । आगामी बजेटमा जनप्रतिनिधिहरूको तलबभत्ताको व्यवस्थामात्र होइन भवन र सरकारी गाडीको व्यवस्था नभएका स्थानीय तहको लागि थप बजेटको व्यवस्था गर्नु यसपल्ट ठूलै चुनौती हुनेछ । स्थानीय तहका नेताजीहरूका महत्वाकांक्षा पूरा गर्न एकमात्र सजिलो उपाय स्थानीय कर बढाउनु हो । कतिपय मित्रहरूले आफ्नो ताजा अनुभव बताउँंदै, २–३ गुणा बढेको घर, जग्गा, व्यवसाय करबारे ट्विट गर्नुभएको छ । प्रदेशहरूमा नक्कली बिल बानाएर ठूलो भुक्तानी लिएको समाचार पनि आउन थालेका छन् । स्थानीय सरकारले गर्ने यस्ता भ्रष्टाचारहरू बारे धेरै चासो लिने जागरूकता स्थानीय तहमा देखिन्न । न त स्थानीय संचार र न्यायालय नै त्यस्ता कर्तुतहरू रोक्न सक्षम भइसकेका देखिन्छन् । राष्ट्रियस्तरमा नै मिडियाबाजीको बीचमा ठूला ठूला भ्रष्टाचार र नियम उल्लङ्घनका घटना हराउने या साम्य हुने कैयौं उदाहरण हामीसामु छन् । कतिपय यस्ता कुकृत्यमा सरकारको समेत मौन स्वीकृति देखिन्छ । कैयौं ठूला काण्डहरूमा देखावटी रूपमा सरकारले उच्चस्तरीय जाँचबुझ आयोग गठन गर्छ तर आफैंले गठन गरेका त्यस्ता आयोगहरूका सिफारिश लत्याउँछ । एउटा सानो उदाहरण चिकित्सा शिक्षामा हुने भ्रष्टाचारलाई लिन सकिन्छ । चिकित्सा शिक्षाको बागडोर समालेका शिक्षित विज्ञ भनाउँदाहरू सम्बन्धन, प्रवेश परिक्षा आदिमा हरेक वर्ष विकृति जन्माएर करोडौंका काण्डहरू गर्ने गर्छन् । तर, उच्चस्तरीय माथेमा आयोगले २०७२ साउनमा सरकारलाई दिएको प्रतिवेदनले औल्याएका बुँदा हुन् या यसै वर्ष माघमा गौरीबहादुर कार्कीको प्रतिवेदन अनुसार आर्थिक चलखेलमा प्रत्यक्ष संलग्न विश्वविद्यालयहरूका पदाधिकारीहरू उपरको कारवाहीको सिफारिसमा सरकार सधैं मौन बस्ने गरेको छ । यो मौनताको प्रमुख कारण आफ्नै दलबाट सिफारिस गरिएका वरिष्ठहरू हुन् । तिनबाट दलले लेभी उठाउने गरेका हुन्छन । त्यसैले तिनलाई कारवाही गर्ने इच्छा दलका नेतामा पनि रहँदैन । त्यसैले जुनै सरकार आए पनि ठूलो परिवर्तन हुने आशा कमै छ । अझ यस्ता अनैतिक काम या भ्रष्टाचार स्थानीय तहसम्म पुग्दा त अझै व्यापकसंग मौलाउने परिस्थिति देखिन्छ । 
अनुभव गर्न सकिने ‘ट्यान्जेवल’ समृद्धिको लागि रोजगारीमा विस्तार, आयमा वृद्धि, दैनिक उपभोग्य वस्तुमा सन्तुलित मुद्रास्फीति सबै चाहिने हुन्छ । गत वर्षको आर्थिक प्रतिवेदनले देखाएअनुसार ०.६ प्रतिशतको हाम्रो आर्थिक वृद्धिदर या औसतमा करिब ४.५ को वृद्धि दर दक्षिण एशियामै न्यूनतम वृद्धिदर हो । वामघटकको सुनौलो घोषणा प्रतिबद्धतामा १० वर्षमा प्रतिव्यक्ति आय १० हजार पुर्याउने लक्ष्य देखिन्छ । यसै प्रतिबद्धताको सामान्य आकलन गर्दा मुद्रास्फीति अहिलेकै हाराहारीमा अड्ने हो भने जनसंख्या वृद्धिको समेत विचार गर्दा प्रतिव्यक्ति १० हजार आय पुग्न हालको करिब २५ खर्ब डलरको जिडीपीबाट १० वर्षपछि साल २०८३ मा जिडीपी झन्डै ३२१ खर्ब डलर पुर्याउनु पर्ने देखिन्छ । यसका लागि औसत आर्थिक वृद्धिदर २९ प्रतिशत हुनुपर्ने देखिन्छ, जो असम्भव छ । सन् २०२१ सम्ममा नेपाल विकासशील राष्ट्रमा जान नसक्ने जनाउ सरकारले राष्ट्रसंघलाई दिन लागेको खबर यहाँ सान्दर्भिक देखिन्छ, जसको लागि प्रतिव्यक्ति आय १२ सय डलर हुनुपर्छ । यसको अर्थ नत राजनीतिक दलका घोषणा र वाचाहरू सबै सम्भव छन् नत बाँडिएका आर्थिक समृद्धिका सपनाहरू नै सम्भव छन् । 
देशलाई पिरोलिरहेका समस्याहरूमा, बढ्दो बजेट घाटा र शोधनान्तर घाटा त छँदै छन् संघीयता व्यवस्थापन र पछिल्लो सरकारले बिरासतमा रित्याएर छोडेको सरकारी कोषमा प्राण संचारको काम समेत छ । वस्तु निर्यातमा आयातको अनुपात लगातार बढेर हाल व्यापारघाटा जिडिपीको ३४ प्रतिशत नाघेको छ । देशको उत्पादकत्व बढाउन कृषिको आधुनिकीकरण, कलकारखाना विस्तार र पर्यटनको प्रवर्धन गर्नु आवश्यक छ । तर यी तीनै क्षेत्रमा विकराल संस्थागत समस्या विद्यमान छन् । कृषिको आधुनिकीकरणको लागि अनुसन्धानमा यथेष्ट लगानी गर्नुपर्छ । कलकारखानाको प्रवर्धनका लागि सरकारी कागजीतन्त्र र घुसखोरी बाधक छ । केही वर्षदेखि नै नेपालको यो दुरवस्था बारे ‘डुइङ बिजिनेस’ ले खबरदारी गरिरहेको छ तर सरकारले ध्यान दिएको छैन । व्यापारिक घरानादेखि मध्यमस्तरका व्यवसाय गर्नेहरू समेत कलकारखानामा लगानी या प्रवर्धन गर्नुको साटो व्यापारतिर लागेको देखिन्छ । त्यसैले जिडिपीमा उद्योगको तुलनामा व्यापार सेवाले ४ गुणा बढी योगदान गरेको देखिन्छ । पर्यटनका लागि पूर्वाधारको जालो फिंजाउनु आवश्यक छ जो निकट भविष्यमा होला भन्ने देखिन्न । तसर्थ देशको उत्पादकत्व बढाउने समृद्धिको सपनाको कति अंश बिपना बन्ला ? जरो गाडेका यस्ता विकृतिहरू उन्मूलन नगरिकन राम्रो भविष्यको आशा गर्ने ठाउँ कमै छ । 
संघीय संरचनामा अर्थमन्त्रालयको जिम्मामा अब योजना पनि जोडिएको छ । नवनियुक्त अर्थमन्त्री, योजना आयोग र राष्ट्र बैंकको प्रमुख समेतको अनुभव बटुलेका हुनाले यस मन्त्रालयलाई राम्रो गति दिन सक्ने अनुभवी देखिन्छन् । तर, राष्ट्र बैंक या योजना आयोगको भन्दा मन्त्रालयको काममा विज्ञताका साथै राजनीतिक सन्तुलनको आवश्यकता हुन्छ । अन्य मन्त्रालयहरूभन्दा अर्थमन्त्रालयका कर्मचारीका अनुशासनहीनता र आर्थिक चलखेल जगजाहेर छ । भन्सार विभाग, राजस्व विभाग, सम्पत्ति सुद्धीकरण विभागजस्ता विभागमा कमाउनैका लागि जाने हो भन्ने स्थापित भएको छ । यस्ता भ्रष्टाचारका मुहानमा बसेर जाल थाप्न माहिरहरूलाई मन्त्रीज्यूले कति नियन्त्रित गर्न सक्ने हो, हेर्न बाँकी छ ।
सरकार २ वर्ष निदाए पनि अविश्वासको प्रस्ताव ल्याएर ढाल्न नसकिने सुरक्षा कवच संविधानले दिएको छ तर पनि सरकारको मूल्यांकन त हुनेछ । रोजगारी आउँदो २–३ वर्षमा नै विस्तार गर्न अब नयाँ खुल्ने उद्योगले खासै सहयोग गर्नेछैनन् भन्ने स्पष्ट छ । त्यसैले भौतिक पूर्वाधारका – बाटो, विमानस्थल, नहर जस्ता निर्माण योजनाहरूको आवश्यकता पर्नेछ । तर कर्मचारीतन्त्रमा व्याप्त विकासे कामप्रतिको निराशा हटिहाल्ला जस्तो देखिन्न । अचेल विकास बजेट २०–२२ प्रतिशतमात्र खर्च हुने गरेको छ । तर, आव २०४४-४५ को योजना आयोगको वार्षिक समीक्षामा साधारण खर्चमा ९८ प्रतिशत र विकास बजेटमा ९२ प्रतिशत खर्च भएको उदाहरण र चालु आवको ६ महिना सकिनै लाग्दा करिब १४ प्रतिशतमात्रै विकास बजेटमा खर्च हुन सकेको अहिलेको यथार्थ । राष्ट्रिय गौरवका आयोजनामध्ये काठमाडौं तराई द्रुत मार्ग, बुढीगण्डकी जलविद्युत् आयोजना, निजगढ दोस्रो अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय विमानस्थल, पश्चिम सेती जलविद्युत् आयोजना र हुलाकी मार्गको निराशाजनक प्रगति देख्दा अनुशासनमा कठोर नहुने हो भने विकास निर्माणका कुरा दिवास्वप्न हुने देखिन्छ । 
कृषि उत्पादनको तालिम दिएर पहिलो वर्ष उन्नत बिउको व्यवस्थासमेत गर्नसके ठूलो ग्रामीण जनसंख्या रोजगार हुने देखिन्छ । प्रवेशिका अनुत्तीर्ण युवालाई समेत व्यावसायिक तालिम दिएर स्वरोजगार बनाउन सकिन्छ । देशले हेर्दै छ, रोजगारी विस्तारका लागि सरकारले के गर्दै छ, विकास निर्माणका नयाँ आयोजनाहरू केके सुचारु गरिन्छन्, चरम लापरबाहीले ठप्प प्रायः राष्ट्रिय गौरवका आयोजनाहरूमा कस्तो अनुगमन गरिनेछ, आर्थिक अनुशासनको लागि केकस्ता प्रयाश हुनेछन् । द्रुतमार्ग, सुरूङ मार्ग, सडक विस्तार, जलाशययुक्त विद्युत्–सिंचाइ आयोजना, मोनो रेल वा मेट्रो रेलजस्ता विकास निर्माण आयोजनाबारे पर्याप्त अध्ययन, बहस र निर्माणको सुरुवात यथाशीघ्र हुनुपर्ने देखिन्छ । पछिल्लो वाम सरकारले बीजारोपण गरेको तिब्बत–नेपाल जोड्ने बहुचर्चित बाटोहरू, रेल र पहुँच मार्गलाई यो सरकारले अलपत्र छोड्छ या निर्माणका ठोस कामहरू गर्छ । भारतसंगको व्यापार र सीमा विवादको समाधान गरेर आयात–निर्यातमा सहजता, जल सम्पदाको समुचित बाँडफाँट र आर्थिक–सामाजिक सम्बन्धलाई सुदृढ बनाउने नीतिमा कति अगाडि जान्छ । वर्तमान सरकारका लागि प्रशस्त चुनौतीहरू देखिन्छन् जसको समाधानको लागि सुझबुझ र दृढता आवश्यक छ । 

Forgotten Schools( My Republica, June 20 2017)

Classes cannot be conducted during the rains or on particularly hot or cold days

Education is the constitutional right of every Nepali child yet a large number of children are still deprived of it because of government negligence. The 2015 earthquakes resulted in big disparities in educational outcomes between affected and unaffected schools.

According to government statistics, over 8,600 schools were destroyed in 14 most-affected districts, hampering the studies of around 1.2 million children went to those schools. When they have to compete with students of ‘privileged’ schools in the open job market or in higher education, they will certainly lag behind, and for no fault of their own. 

Nearly two and half years after the devastating earthquakes destroyed these schools, the government has done little to normalize the situation. While several private schools have been reconstructed with private funds most government schools are in battered conditions. Many others—like the Darbar High School in Ranipokhari, Kathmandu—still lack funds to clear the debris. 

About 3,000 Transit Learning Centers (TLCs) were built in the affected districts, serving as temporary shelters with walls and roofs made of plastic, straw, bamboo or zinc sheets.

But TLCs are small and cannot accommodate all students. So students often have to study under open skies, which means classes cannot be conducted during the rainy season, as well as on particularly hot or cold days.  Even these centers have worn out, and they might collapse any time. 

Half the students in affected areas are girls. As they are not attending schools, they are being trafficked from quake-affected regions like Sindhupalchok, Rasuwa, Dhading and Nuwakot. Large number of girls from these areas are brought to urban centers to work in restaurants and dance bars, or trafficked abroad. According to the National Human Rights Commission, after the earthquakes, trafficking of girls below 18 shot up by 15 percent in these districts. Nepal Police says trafficking from these areas could have increased by as much as 150 percent. 

Education could have made these girls more aware of trafficking. But they have not been able to attend their battered schools. Besides the girls, even the physically and mentally challenged children are dropping out at alarming rates. 

Yes, some donor agencies have come to their aid and also helped with reconstruction of damaged schools. But they have not been able to do as much as they had committed to.

The Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), for example, had committed to rebuild 283 schools but has completed only 83 so far. Likewise, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) had committed to rebuild 175 schools but has done only 84. The government initiative is even more worrisome, so far rebuilding less than 50 schools.

Rural students had been faring badly even before the earthquakes. In 2014, 93 percent students from private schools passed SLC exams while only 28 percent from public schools did. This gap is going to widen in the coming years as schools in affected districts await reconstruction. 

Lowering of educational budget has also hindered reconstruction. At least 15 percent of total budget used to be allocated for education. This fiscal, this has come down to 5.2 percent, an annual decline of 38.4 percent. Education budget has been diverted to establishment of new federal units and salary of local government staffs. This is a big setback to education sector, and schools of affected areas in particular. Since the government has committed to spend at least 20 percent of budget on education in various international forums, the donors should be constantly reminding it to live up to this commitment.

According to the Post Disaster Recovery Framework, US $167 million is needed for school reconstruction and yet only $53 million has been set aside for the purpose. It is uncertain if and how the remaining $ 114 million will be put together. Even donors that pledged to support school reconstruction are helpless without government initiative. 

We are talking about the fate of 1.2 million children of affected areas. It is vital that all the damaged schools are soon rebuilt, and books and educational materials delivered to them on time. For this, the government should increase educational budget to 20 percent of the total, as it has committed to do with the international community. Perhaps, then, the donor agencies would also be tempted to complete their unfinished business. 

Budget Concerns (MyRepublica 3 June 2014)

"Don't split budget into small pieces. Use it only for mega projects: Roads, only reservoir type hydro-projects, high voltage extension lines"  

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The budget for the next fiscal 2014/15 is about to come out and everyone is keen to know the exact divisions of the budget pie. This budget will be presented by a newly elected government with the help of a fresh team of planning commission officers. Development workers, economists, industrialists and the general public all are looking forward to it with expectation. 

It is the second time that the republic is having a full-fledged budget. The last budget was designed by bureaucrats and technocrats and criticized for failing to take into account people’s real needs. For example, only around 7 percent was allocated for infrastructure development. If we evaluate the past year’s performance there is little room for optimism. High inflation, increasing trade deficit, inability to spend large portion of development budget, and dissonance (beruju) in budget utilization are worryingly persistent. 

However, this time an elected government is in-charge of the budget. It has made many development promises to voters. So, besides its main duty of the completing the constitution, it has to come good on people’s expectation of significant increase in budget allocation for development works.

It is true that different potential beneficiaries have different demands and aspirations. But the government should concentrate on mega projects and not cut down the national budget into small pieces for insignificant works or for vested political interests. One example of budget misallocation was the attempt of last government to distribute a million rupee to each Member of Parliament before the Constituent Assembly election. This attempt was thwarted by the Supreme Court. Economists and development experts strongly criticized this move as it would increase fiscal irregularity, inflation and corruption. But the current Finance Minister has still vowed to continue with such distributions to MPs. It will be another serious mistake. 

Again, we need to spend the budget for large infrastructure projects, which is essential for the country’s development. But there is great hesitancy to invest in such projects. In the last CA election all major parties promised to reduce load-shedding, increase road access to mountain and hilly districts, especially in the Mid-West, provide safe drinking water, among other promises. Since they won elections partly due to such planks, it’s time they delivered. 

On electricity, we have to realize that only generation of hydroelectricity is meaningless until we have strong transmission highways from remote areas where dams are built to the urban industrial areas. For the construction of such transmission lines that pass through villages and forests, governmental protection is essential for mediation and settlement plans. While constructing such transmission lines we should plan for the next 50 years, for which we need high capacity 400 KV lines. Currently, our transmission lines are mostly 33KV; we even have 11KV lines. From the ongoing Chameliya and Trisuli 3A and 3B projects, we expect an additional 1,650 MW in the near future. 



According to Nepal Electricity Board, we have short-term projects that are expected to generate 3,271 MW, midterm projects to generate 4,952 MW and long-term projects to generate 22,000 MW. Without powerful transmission lines the power generated from them cannot be properly distributed or exported. For such high capacity lines construction cost will be high. Hence, private-public partnership might be the way to go about it. 

The government should stop financing run-of-the-river projects and give new licenses only to reservoir projects. We have only a single reservoir project at Kulekhani that generates 92 MW from its two dams. This project has reduced load-shedding by two-four hours in slack winter season. Our mountainous topography gives ample options for easy construction of such reservoirs. 

The major hurdle on the path of development is lack of road access. Many districts in the Mid-West are not touched by road network. Many of the highly populated villages of Bajhang, Humla, Jumla, Dolpa, Mugu, Bajhang, Kalikot, Dailekh and Jajarkot districts either have no road access or only weather-dependant roads. The same is true of several hilly and mountain settlements of other development regions. If there are proper roads, the government has to worry less about education, health, and income outcomes. 

Thus, on the eve of the new budget, Nepalis expect the government to lay out a plan for development of roads, reservoir-based hydroelectricity projects and high capacity transmission lines.